{"quotes":[{"text":"Another site of Leftist struggle [other than Detroit] that has parallels to New Orleans: Palestine. From the central role of displacement to the ways in which culture and community serve as tools of resistance, there are illuminating comparisons to be made between these two otherwise very different places.In the New Orleans Black community, death is commemorated as a public ritual (it's often an occasion for a street party), and the deceased are often also memorialized on t-shirts featuring their photos embellished with designs that celebrate their lives. Worn by most of the deceased's friends and family, these t-shirts remind me of the martyr posters in Palestine, which also feature a photo and design to memorialize the person who has passed on. In Palestine, the poster's subjects are anyone who has been killed by the occupation, whether a sick child who died at a checkpoint or an armed fighter killed in combat. In New Orleans, anyone with family and friends can be memorialized on a t-shift. But a sad truth of life in poor communities is that too many of those celebrate on t-shirts lost their lives to violence. For both New Orleans and Palestine, outsiders often think that people have become so accustomed to death by violence that it has become trivialized by t-shirts and posters.While it's true that these traditions wouldn't manifest in these particular ways if either population had more opportunities for long lives and death from natural causes, it's also far from trivial to find ways to celebrate a life. Outsiders tend to demonize those killed--especially the young men--in both cultures as thugs, killers, or terrorists whose lives shouldn't be memorialized in this way, or at all. But the people carrying on these traditions emphasize that every person is a son or daughter of someone, and every death should be mourned, every life celebrated.","author":"Jordan Flaherty","tags":["celebration","civil-disobedience","community","death","funeral","life","martyr","new-orleans","non-violence","palestine","resistance","second-line","struggle"],"id":4691,"author_id":"Jordan+Flaherty"},{"text":"An unjust law is itself a species of violence. Arrest for its breach is more so.","author":"Mahatma Gandhi","tags":["civil-disobedience","dissent","political"],"id":6313,"author_id":"Mahatma+Gandhi"},{"text":"An unjust law is itself a species of violence. Arrest for its breach is more so. Now the law of nonviolence says that violence should be resisted not by counter-violence but by nonviolence. This I do by breaking the law and by peacefully submitting to arrest and imprisonment.","author":"Mahatma Gandhi","tags":["civil-disobedience","justice","non-violence","war"],"id":30314,"author_id":"Mahatma+Gandhi"},{"text":"The leaders and followers of the Harlem Renaissance were every bit as intent on using Black culture to help make the United States a more functional democracy as they were on employing Black culture to 'vindicate' Black people.","author":"Aberjhani","tags":["african-american-history","african-american-intellectuals","african-american-leaders","best-leadership-practices","black-culture","black-history-month","black-leaders","civil-disobedience","democracy-in-america","education","faith-in-the-american-people","followers","followership","harlem-renaissance","harlem-renaissance-historians","heroes-of-the-harlem-renaissance","historical-accountability","historicization","history-of-democracy","leaders","leadership","leadership-strategies","leadership-styles","national-history-day","patriotism","postered-poetics-by-aberjhani","race-relations-in-america","teaching-the-harlem-renaissance","united-states-of-america","vindication","web-du-bois"],"id":40530,"author_id":"Aberjhani"},{"text":"If any think that their influence would be lost there, and their voices no longer afflict the ear of the State, that they would not be as an enemy within its walls, they do not know how much truth is stronger than errors, nor how much more eloquently and effectively he can combat injustice who has experienced a little in his own person. Cast your whole vote, not a strip of paper merely, but your whole influence.","author":"Henry David Thoreau","tags":["civil-disobedience","injustice","voting"],"id":43207,"author_id":"Henry+David+Thoreau"},{"text":"Civil disobedience, as I put it to the audience, was not the problem, despite the warnings of some that it threatened social stability, that it led to anarchy. The greatest danger, I argued, was civil obedience, the submission of individual conscience to governmental authority. Such obedience led to the horrors we saw in totalitarian states, and in liberal states it led to the public's acceptance of war whenever the so-called democratic government decided on it...In such a world, the rule of law maintains things as they are. Therefore, to begin the process of change, to stop a war, to establish justice, it may be necessary to break the law, to commit acts of civil disobedience, as Southern black did, as antiwar protesters did.","author":"Howard Zinn","tags":["acquiescence","civil-disobedience","dangers-of-obedience","justice","oppression","rule-of-law"],"id":66666,"author_id":"Howard+Zinn"},{"text":"An individual who breaks a law that conscience tells him is unjust, and who willingly accepts the penalty of imprisonment in order to arouse the conscience of the community over its injustice, is in reality expressing the highest respect for the law.","author":"Martin Luther King Jr.","tags":["activism","civil-disobedience","dissent","protest"],"id":85212,"author_id":"Martin+Luther+King+Jr."},{"text":"If you're not going to use your free speech to criticize your own government, then what the hell is the point of having it?","author":"Michelle Templet","tags":["civil-disobedience","freedom-of-speech","politics"],"id":88958,"author_id":"Michelle+Templet"},{"text":"But now what? Why, now comes my master, takes me right away from my work, and my friends, and all I like, and grinds me down into the very dirt! And why? Because, he says, I forgot who I was; he says, to teach me that I am only a nigger! After all, and last of all, he comes between me and my wife, and says I shall give her up, and live with another woman. And all this your laws give him power to do, in spite of God or man. Mr. Wilson, look at it! There isn't one of all these things, that have broken the hearts of my mother and my sister, and my wife and myself, but your laws allow, and give every man power to do, in Kentucky, and none can say to him nay! Do you call these the laws of my country? Sir, I haven't any country, anymore than I have any father. But I'm going to have one. I don't want anything of your country, except to be let alone,--to go peaceably out of it; and when I get to Canada, where the laws will own me and protect me, that shall be my country, and its laws I will obey. But if any man tries to stop me, let him take care, for I am desperate. I'll fight for my liberty to the last breath I breathe. You say your fathers did it; if it was right for them, it is right for me!","author":"Harriet Beecher Stowe","tags":["civil-disobedience","human-rights","racism","slavery","social-justice"],"id":93099,"author_id":"Harriet+Beecher+Stowe"},{"text":"It is not always the same thing to be a good man and a good citizen.","author":"Aristotle","tags":["activism","civil-disobedience","good","patriotism","value","virtue"],"id":129814,"author_id":"Aristotle"}],"pagination":{"page":1,"page_size":10,"total":24,"pages":3,"next":"?page=2\u0026page_size=10"}}